Chad – 6 French Nationals Sentenced to 8 Years

The strange saga of French “humanitarian” group Zoe’s Ark began in October 2007 when 6 French aid workers were arrested in Chad for kidnapping. On December 26 the six aid workers were convicted and sentenced to 8 years prison and hard labour. Following the ruling, French President Sarkozy personally flew to Chad to meet President Deby and to negotiate the conditional release of the aid workers. To have been a fly on the wall for that bilateral discussion: what did Sarkozy promise to secure their release?

The Franco-Chadian relationship is a rocky one – many citizens of Chad resent the presence of French peacekeepers in their country and the ongoing influence of the former colonial power. On January 30 2008, a Paris court upheld the conviction in Chad (less the hard labour) to the protest of families and friends of the convicted aid workers. The reaction of relatives and friends is not surprising, but what were they expecting? No matter what President Sarkozy promised, the government of Chad acted in good faith by allowing the workers to serve out their time in France.

If the Paris court overruled the conviction, it would be viewed as direct interference in the affairs of a sovereign state. Now I am often suspicious when governments apply the sovereignty argument (Read: Government of Sudan) but in this case anything less than a full conviction in France – then France would be communicating that its citizens are above the law. A position not dissimilar to America’s rejection of the ICC in the Hague. Let’s be honest even the least informed travellers + workers know that when abroad, your country’s jurisdiction ends and you are subject to your adopted country’s laws. Of course there are exceptions and blatant disregard of judicial processes – but not in this case.


The French aid workers were convicted for “complicity in the illegal residence of foreign minors in France.” Zoe’s Ark claimed they were “rescuing” 103 infant refugees residing in Eastern Chad after fleeing Darfur. They claimed they were ‘saving’ (I really dislike the arrogance of it all!) these children by bringing them back to France for urgent care and attention.

But then the facts emerged. The infant refugees turned out to be healthy Chadians with at least one living parent. The French embassy in Chad has reported that Zoe’s Ark had a history of ‘audacious’ humanitarian projects, particularly what appeared to be clandestine adoption arrangements with families back in France. Afterall, not every Westerner has the money and influence of Madonna when it comes to adopting children from African countries.

The defence team invoked the scapegoat argument: aid worker’s rights sacrificed in the interests of French foreign policy. Nonsense. These accusations are unfounded. Several of the accused made self-righteous claims their extra-legal actions were justified because of the urgency of the situation (see sub-text above!). They incorrectly believed they could play God in the lives of others, and quite conveniently, satisfy the desires of 103 French families circumventing the French adoption queue.

If only development were that simple: remove all the troubled children from the ills of the world and transport them to a ‘safer’ country. Why haven’t development practitioners thought of this brilliant idea?

Aid workers employed by Zoe’s Ark fail to realize their actions were colonialism in disguise: sweeping in to a country where they had no legitimate business, exporting infants back to France in order to subsume African identities to the “superior” French culture.

My Beloved Kenya

Many predicted Kenyans would vote down tribal lines during the recent Boxing Day elections. However, few would have believed a close race and electoral fraud would fuel ethnic tension and set off waves of violence and across the country. Afterall this is Kenya, a nation that has enjoyed relative peace since independence.

More than 600 men, women and children have been murdered, the majority a result of one’s tribal affiliation. Horror stories of woman and children fleeing villages from angry mobs, men and women subjected to the most horrifying deaths by machete, people burnt alive in churches, police and military dispersing crowds based on the order “shoot to kill” and tens of thousands of Kenyans fleeing across the border into neighbouring countries.

I was finishing an internship at the UN Environment Program in Kenya towards the end of 2002, a time of real promise about the future of the country. The excitement for change in leadership was apparent in every district across the country. The Kikuyu’s, Kenya’s most populous tribe and the Luo’s, Kenya’s second most populous tribe put aside long-standing differences to form the Rainbow Coalition prior to the December 2002 Presidential election. This ensured neither the President, Daniel Arap Moi, nor his appointed successor could take office. Two decades of deceit, greed and rigged elections were highly motivating factors for this unlikely alliance.

Mwai Kibaki, a Kikuyu, was Rainbow’s chosen candidate. The Luo’s supported Kibaki’s run for President on the condition he would act quickly to amend the country’s constitution. These amendments would limit presidential powers and significantly increase the voice of Luo’s and other tribes in the country’s political affairs. Barely two years in office, Kibaki and his Kikuyu circle reneged on the commitment. The alliance crumbled. Luo’s, led by Raila Odinga, were rightly angered at this hypocrisy. Mr. Odinga, a Luo who helped broker the alliance, ran against Kibaki in the recent disputed election.

The Kenyan Electoral Commission (KEC) indicated Mr. Kibaki won by less than 1% of the total vote, but local and international observers (including Canada) claimed irregularities in the voting process. Kibaki quickly swore himself in only to have the Head of the KEC claim the electoral process was flawed. The KEC’s back and forth positioning lost it much needed credibility, but foreign embassies have not yet recognized Kibaki as President. The country is in paralysis.



With the exception of the reign of Daniel Arap Moi, a Kalenjin, the highest office has consistently been held by a Kikuyu, who controls the appointments of advisors, Ministers, Ambassadors and bureaucratic heads. Luo’s have long sought a greater role in the country’s economic fortunes and political processes. When asking non-Kikuyu’s, particularly Luo’s, to explain the deep-rooted mistrust comments typically focus on Kikuyu’s strong desire for economic and political control. These statements are of course over-simplified, and in many cases incorrect. But there is an element of truth.

Since the early days of Jomo Kenyatta, the country’s Kikuyu founder and independence hero, and even during Moi’s time in office, Kikuyu’s have enjoyed economic and political success unmatched by other tribes. The current atmosphere of mistrust, deception and hatred exists because other tribes perceive the Kikuyu dominance having come at their expense.

What is occurring in Kenya is catastrophic, but comparison to Rwanda by a number of journalists is unwarranted. To label the current unrest in Kenya genocide is to display ignorance of the historical relationship between Kenya’s two most populous tribes. That is not to undermine the terrible reality of what many Kenyans are experiencing. Citizens are targeted and massacred based on ethnicity, but anger and frustration unleashed is a direct result of the refusal of Kenya’s political and economic elite to yield ground, and a perceived indifference from Kenyan’s most populous tribe.

Sadly, Mr. Odinga and (President) Kibaki have taken to finger pointing and grandstanding. Ordinary Kenyans are living with the constant fear of violence. Ongoing Opposition rallies held across the country provoke further animosity. The AU President failed to reach agreement with both sides, but hope remains that Kofi Annan can bridge the deep divisions.

Much is at stake as Mr. Annan attempts to mediate a solution to the impasse. His record of finding compromise in the most challenging environments should provide some comfort to those concerned about the future of this East African nation.

Take a Journey through Mali

On the ground reality in Mali needs little introduction: 70% of the population lives off less than USD $1/day and the country remains one of the five poorest in the world according to the 2008 UNDP Human Development report. Despite the end of a long dictatorship and political stability since the late 1990’s Mali has not found its economic footing. It is a landlocked country with few natural resources, weak infrastructure and limited educational opportunities. A renewed aid focus from the international community still puts the average life expectancy at a shocking 48 years.

As someone interested in making a contribution you ask, Why Mali? Why any African country for that matter? Why not continue carefree lifestyles soaking up sun on the Australian beach between class, zooming around the streets of Munich in a BMW or pushing paper as a Canadian bureaucrat? But if these thoughts were foremost on the minds of the team behind the Mali Initiative more than 250 young Malians would still be without an education. Since 2004 more than $150,000 has been raised to build 12 classrooms, a library and computer rooms.

Leaving the capital of Bamako in a rusted down bus one begins to experience Mali’s rural life. Farmer’s trying to make the best of the meagre land they have hoping this season will be the season, the ‘season of plenty.’ The bus arrives in the village of Niamana where the Mali Initiative’s local country Director, Youchaou Traore, was born. Youchaou grew up as an orphan on the outskirts of Bamako. Niamana is a sobering reminder of just how far one is from the Western luxuries of electricity and running water. The majority of children here don’t attend school and spend their days in the streets. If they are fortunate to attend school it means walking 5-10 kilometres, crowding into a one-room building and sharing a few desks with 100+ other students. Most children are malnourished and therefore learn on an empty stomach.

We met Youchaou working as a translator in Mali for a documentary film about child trafficking. He invited the crew to his village. After that visit a return to Mali was inevitable. A similar feeling occurred in an American named John Wood when he travelled to Nepal. Wood is the founder of the highly successful NGO Room to Read, an organization with a similar model to the Mali Initiative.

And so the relationship with Mali began and blossomed. Preparing the layout of the first classroom, approving the design with the local council, raising funds from the Australian business community and coordinating the distribution of supplies. The first classroom opened in Kalabankoro. Thanks to the input of Youchaou and the local community, children attending schools supported through the Mali Initiative achieve much better results due to improved teaching quality.



Prior to the establishment of these classrooms children spent the days helping out the family farm or working the streets. Now elders, parents and families of the community see education as the key to a lifestyle they could only dream of. Their excitement is reflected in action as more and more children register for school thanks to hard-earned funds parents are willing to invest. This has allowed the Mali Initiative to be a global partnership in the truest sense: funds raised overseas are allocated to construction, building supplies and educational materials and local school fees paid by parents fund teacher salaries and ongoing maintenance. This co-investment approach has proven very successful in convincing donors of the Mali Initiative’s sustainability.

All team members are passionate social entrepreneurs who see the Mali Initiative as combining the efficiency from business with the social objectives of the non-profit sector. Youchaou and the local communities set the goals, ensure upkeep of the classrooms, train teachers and respond to the specific needs of the community.

Next to these local capacities the Mali Initiative is supported by the Australian Reach Foundation and several young professionals with international expertise. Elise Klein, Managing Director, is the former Australian youth representative to the United Nations (UN) General Assembly and Juergen Nagler from Germany, Marketing Director, previously worked for the UN Global Compact in New York and has extensive business experience with Palm and Siemens. Tomas Ernst from Canada, Donor Relations Manager, has worked for the UN Environment Program in Kenya, the World Bank and in various capacities of government.

The Mali Initiative has grown in scale since its early days. Major private and public donors have started to take notice. The goal is to expand this model to other Malian villages. The demand is there. The team has conducted a needs assessment in order to develop a long-term strategy to present to major donors in 2008. The vision for 2020 is to build 1,000 classrooms, train 10,000 teachers and provide education to 500,000 children

We ask for your support in making the dreams of a new generation possible.

*If you would like to donate to the Mali Initiative or seek more information, please visit www.mali-initiative.org or www.reachmaliproject.org.au